On a new anniversary of his death, vindicate Nahuel Moreno, criticizing him

By Juan Giglio

Nahuel Moreno was, without a doubt, the most important leader of Argentine Trotskyism and one of the most influential internationally, since he had the merit of installing the ideas of Leon Trotsky within one of the most combative proletariats in the world and, furthermore, he tried to intervene in the most advanced processes of the class struggle in other countries, practicing a bold and dynamic internationalism.

Moreno did not propagandize reality - as many sects that claim to be Trotskyists do, making nothing other than "revolutionary journalism" - since he always tried to transform it, taking advantage of all opportunities, even the smallest ones, with the purpose of converting the party national and international in a group capable of influencing the mass movement.

Several working class fighters were educated by "morenism", which inoculated them with "antibodies" against the policies of class collaboration. In this sense, his texts, such as "The betrayal of the OCI" -criticizing the capitulation of the French Trotskyists to Mitterrand's social democracy- or "Lora denies Trotskyism" -stripping the populist front strategy of the Bolivian POR led by Félix Lora- are exceptionally valid.

In "The Party and the Revolution" Moreno disussed with the leader of the Unified Secretariat of the Fourth International, Ernst Mandel, anticipating a debate that today crosses the ranks of Trotskyism, since a sector was won by the ideas -populist front edge- of the Italian theorist Gramsci. These, like the Mandelists, do not develop their program with an eye on the mass movement, but rather on their vanguards, promoting wrong policies.

"Elementary Political Concepts" is a simple but brilliant pamphlet, because it helps revolutionary militants learn and use fundamental tools to face the challenges of the class struggle. Something similar happens with “Problems of Organization”, where Moreno brilliantly educates how to organize activism, militancy and the party periphery, adapting the forms to the circumstances, without being tied to any organizational dogma.

However, we believe that Moreno was wrong to overestimate the post-war revolutions, defining them as "socialist", because he did not alert that, although they took a step expropriating the bourgeoisie -Cuba, China, Yugoslavia or Vietnam- they ended up strengthening the most sinister counterrevolutionary apparatus in history, the bureaucracy of the Communist Parties, which strangled them from within and used to stop the worldwide workers' and popular's revolutionary rise.

In this sense, Moreno underestimated the absence of conscious revolutions, which can only grow and become stronger when the working class assumes -through its democratic organizations- the leadership of the new proletarian states, something that in history could materialize in very small and limited moments in history, such as the Paris Commune or the first years, perhaps months, of the October Revolution. With this characterization, Moreno disoriented his followers, who not by chance ended up building political fronts with Stalinism when this apparatus was exploding internationally, due to the collapse of the Communist Parties of Russia, China, and Eastern Europe.

This theoretical mistake politically and methodologically disarmed the International Workers League and its main party, the Movement for Socialism in Argentina, which split giving rise to several tendencies, which were divided into two large blocks: The dogmatic ones, which vindicate the founder of the current, but without criticizing anything that he elaborated, like the MST and Izquierda Socialista. On the other hand, there are those that revised Morenismo, such as the PTS, which ended up adopting Gramsci's conceptions.

Hugo Mario Bressano, the name that appears on Nahuel Moreno's birth certificate, left us pillars on which we can and must rely to carry out revolutionary politics, although the best way to practice "morenismo" is not to take it as a dogma or a religion, but criticizing it. The program must be built like the houses built by workers with their own hands, who take advantage of the solid foundations left by their parents, but do not hesitate for a moment when they have to throw down walls or other structures.

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